William de Bellomonte/Beaumont

By Gary Beaumont, February 2025

More than twenty generations ago, in 1194, William de Bellomonte/Beaumont (fl. 1194-1227) (WBB) first appeared in the historical records of West Yorkshire. Specifically, he witnessed nearly thirty documents between 1194 and 1225. These documents tell us about who he was.

The earliest written record dates to c. 1194 CE in Clitheroe: Roger, Constable of Chester, granted William, son of Fulk, his marshal, all the land of his demesne between Bradestrete and Munkegate as Standen Water divides. Witnessed: Willo' de Bellomonte and others.[1] The last written record for WBB dates c. 1225 in Lancashire: John de Lacy, Constable of Chester, confirmed a gift by Geoffrey, dean of Whalley, to Eli, son of Thomas. Witnessed: William de Bellomonte and others. These two documents, together, suggest WBB was born c. 1170 and died c. 1230.[2] [3]

The date, 1194, is significant for other reasons. In April 1194, Roger de Lacy inherited Pontefract and Clitheroe and began to use the surname “de Lacy.” This fact dates WBB’s first appearance in Yorkshire. As a group, the documents WBB witnessed also reveal a special connection to Roger de Lacy, Constable of Chester (c. 1170-1211). WBB seems to have witnessed documents mostly for Roger, suggesting his “place” was with Roger rather than the other gentry of West Yorkshire. Secondly, WBB appeared as a witness on sixteen of Roger’s documents, suggesting he was in Roger’s inner circle.[4] No one witnessed more documents for Roger than WBB.[5]

Fourteen individuals were associated with Roger’s inner circle, and three were his brothers.

• Eustace of Chester, ten documents

• Geoffrey of Chester, eight documents

• Richard of Chester, seven documents

Four individuals in his inner circle were from Pontefract and were honorial elites whose families had been present in the Honour from its inception.

• Robert le Waleys, steward and under-sheriff, sixteen documents

• His son, Henry le Waleys, seven documents

• William de Longvillers, steward of the estate and household, eleven documents

• William Stapleton, nine documents (numerous Stapletons in Yorkshire)

Five individuals in his inner circle were from Halton and were honorial elites whose families had been present in the Honour from its inception.

• Hugh of Dutton, steward and constable, fifteen documents

• Adam of Dutton, twelve documents

• Geoffrey of Dutton, ten documents

• Hugh Despenser, ten documents

• His brother, Thomas Despenser, fifteen documents

So, in 1194, William de Bellomonte/Beaumont (WBB) appeared in West Yorkshire under the patronage of the Constable of Chester, or Roger de Lacy (c.1165-1211), a well-known baron of that era who inherited the Honour of Pontefract. At some point, as a reward for his service, WBB was given a land grant of “12 oxgangs of land in Huddersfield with a moiety of the meadow of the demesne, a moiety of the wood, and 4 marks rent in the mill of the said town for the service of one-eighth of a knight.” [6] 

Military Life

WBB was not a farmer or a tradesman. All indications are that he was a “soldier,” but not in the modern sense of the word. He probably spent a good deal of time practicing for war, not to mention hunting, which was closely related.

The strength of the Norman military was training, which started as early as 8 years of age. Young men were taught hand-to-hand combat as well as how to use a spear, shield, sword, and axe. Horsemanship was also key. And young men trained together, especially on horse to simulate battle conditions. They hunted together, too, learning to scout, handle weapons, kill prey, and inure themselves to blood.[7] 

 The most important weapon of a knight was his horse, which was central to Norman battle tactics. The Norman knight preferred coursers, which were highly trained horses. A poorer knight, squire, or man-at-arms (archer or lancer) would use a rouncey for fighting and carrying gear.[8] 

Important in Norman military culture was the concept of a lord’s familia. The more important the lord, the larger was his familia, and the Constable of Chester would have ranked higher than most lords, except the Earl of Chester and the king. Training and the potential for reward created a strong loyalty both ways – from soldier to lord and from lord to soldier.[9] And, while men in the familia received compensation for their service, what really drove them was the hope for a greater reward, presumably after a military action.

Likely, WBB was an illegitimate son or a non-inheriting son from a landed, titled family. Since he would  not have inherited, one of his only choices was to find service in another important family, and the higher the better. Somehow, he ended up in the service of Roger de Lacy. WBB was clearly in Roger’s inner circle because he witnessed sixteen documents for Roger. Yet, based on his one-eighth knight’s fee, he was not an honorial elite.

Simply by producing sons, the family had “staying power” and a long tenure in Yorkshire.[10] These sons married well and accumulated wealth, so the family rose to become an elite family in West Yorkshire.

The Third Crusade

It seems that a shared military life could explain the close relationship between Roger de Lacy and WBB, and that the Huddersfield land granted to WBB was for loyal service. Was it for service in the Third Crusade (1189-1192)? An early account of this story appears in The Baronage of England, an Historical Account of the Lives and Most Memorable Actions of Our English Nobility. [11]

John (c. 1150-1190), Constable of Chester, was said to have died overseas, during the Third Crusade.[12] In the 12th century, a knight did not campaign alone. He had a retinue, and high-status knights had large retinues. For example, King Philip’s army was made up of 650 knights, 1300 squires and 1300 horses, suggesting an average of two squires per knight.[13] 

So, who were the squires that accompanied John? Was it Roger, his son, and WBB? For WBB, in strictly hierarchical Anglo-Norman society, would a landless, young squire have a choice about whether or not to serve? For Roger, out of loyalty and a sense of adventure, would he have relished a chance to go on a crusade? Also, would there have been enough time for Roger and William to return to England from Messina between the death of his father, John, Constable of Chester, in October 1190, and Roger’s actions in Nottingham and Tickhill in 1191?

Written records from the Third Crusade are scarce and those that exist focus solely on the elite not squires? But Edward M. Beaumont, in an extensive argument, argues that Roger remained in England during the Third Crusade.[14] [15] He says, it is unlikely that William went on the crusade, too.[16]

1191 CE Action

Or was the Huddersfield land granted for service in 1191 CE, when armed conflict broke out between forces loyal to Richard I (1157-1199) and those loyal to John (1166-1216), his brother? The Treaty of Winchester signed 28 July 1191 ended the conflict. However, prior to the treaty, Roger, now Constable of Chester, attempted to apprehend Robert of Croxton, Nottingham, and Eudes de Deiville, Tickhill. They both had ceded their castles to John. Roger, loyal to Richard, intervened. He did not catch Robert or Eudes, but he caught their associates, Alan of Leek, Nottingham, and Peter de Bovencourt, Tickhill. Roger hanged both men as well as an unnamed squire who drove away the birds that were “feasting on their still-swinging corpses.” [17] 

Normandy in 1205 CE

Or was it for service in Normandy at the Siege of Château Gaillard? In fact, there is a historical record of this service. Below is an image of an order issued by King John I (c.1167-1216) in 1205. Roger de Lacy, Constable of Chester and Earl of Pontefract, was present when this order was given. Roger says, “as witness me myself," and for me to “carry it out.” The order gave William de Bellomonte respite from the payment of 10 marks, which he owed to the Jews in York, and freed him from the interest of the debt as long as he was beyond the sea with horses and arms in the king's service. (Northampton 23 May 1205) [18]

Figure 6. A passage suggesting William de Bellomonte was in Normandy at the Siege of Château Gaillard.[15] Roger de Lacy was at the surrender when 20 to 36 knights and 120 men-at-arms were captured. Roger’s ransom was set at 6,000 marks.[16] The historic record is incomplete, but it does suggest that William had military training. Without military training, he would have been useless in this setting.

An updated analysis of the nature of his service to Roger de Lacy suggests that it was later rather than earlier. Clearly, WBB wasn’t involved in the Third Crusade, and his land grant was probably given after his return from the Siege of Château Gaillard. [19] 

Part 3: Ancient Connections

Part 1: Medieval Origins of West Yorkshire Beaumonts

References:

[1] Whitaker, Thomas D. 1872. An History of the Original Parish of Whalley. London. 4th Edition. Vol. 2, p. 100.

[2] Hulton, W.A. 1847. The Coucher Book, or Cartulary, of Whalley Abbey. Chetham Society. Vol. X, pp. 277-8.

[3] See Appendix 1 for a complete list of the documents witnessed by WBB.

[4] Connell, Andrew. 2018. The De Lacy Constables of Chester and Earls of Lincoln: The Transformation of an Honour (1190-1311). Ph.D. thesis, Canterbury Christ Church University. P. 165.

[5] WBB and Colin de Quartermars (witnessed 8 documents) of Huddersfield seem to be of a different “class” than the other twelve.

[6] Dodsworth, Roger. 1884. “Dodsworth’s Yorkshire Notes (Agbrigg).” The Yorkshire Archaeological and Topographical Journal. Volume VIII, p. 502.

[7] Hill, Paul. 2015. The Norman Commanders: Masters of Warfare, 911-1135. Pen & Sword Military.

[8] Wikipedia. n.d. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rouncey. Accessed January 2021.

[9] Hill, Paul. 2015. The Norman Commanders: Masters of Warfare, 911-1135. Pen & Sword Military. Chapter 15

[10] Rose, Sarah Anne. 2009. Landed Society in the Honour of Pontefract, c. l086-1509. Dissertation, Lancaster University. P. 174 and Appendix II.

[11] Sir William Dugale. The Baronage of England, or an Historical Account of the Lives and Most Memorable Actions of Our English Nobility. 1675. P. 100 ... https://search-proquest-com.proxy2.library.illinois.edu/books/baronage-england-historical-account-lives-most/docview/2254617728/se-2?accountid=14553 

[12] Riley, Henry T. 1853. The Annals of Roger De Hoveden: Comprising the History of England and of Other Countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1201. Vol. 2: p. 18 ... https://hdl.handle.net/2027/hvd.3204405535235  

[13] Flori, Jean. 1999. Richard the Lionheart: Knight and King. Edinburgh University Press. P. 94.

[14] Beaumont, Edward M. 2020. https://beaumontarchives.blogspot.com/2020/06/another-red-herring-third-crusade-1-of-3.html. Accessed January 2023. 

[15] Beaumont, Edward M. 2020. https://beaumontarchives.blogspot.com/2020/06/another-red-herring-2-of-3-17th-century.html. Accessed January 2023.

[16] Beaumont, Edward M. 2020. https://beaumontarchives.blogspot.com/2020/06/another-red-herring-3-of-3-roger.html. Accessed January 2023.

[17] Appleby, John T. 1965. England without Richard. London: G. Bell and Sons, Ltd. P. 68-69.

[18] Hardy, Thomas Duffus. 1833. Rotuli litterarum clausarum in Turri londinensi asservati. London: G. Eyre and A. Spottiswoode for Great Britain Record Commission. Vol. 1, p. 33b.

[19] Powicke, F.M. 1913. The Loss of Normandy (1189-1204). Manchester: The University Press. Vol. 2, p. 374.